The Truths and the Falsehoods around Confederate Symbols
I will start this article by stating that there are people who are looking for love, peace, and justice to be made manifest in their lives as a result of the current love, peace, and justice movements taking place across the globe. However, when this nation becomes better—and I do believe that change is on the horizon—those same people will discover a void within themselves that still exists. That is because that void is much bigger than social and criminal justice reformation. They will discover that the happiness that they thought existed on the other side of true American justice and peace will not be happiness gained in its totality. It is for those people that I write, do not neglect your spirit. Just as we are fighting and protesting—giving our time and lives—for the liberation of our physical and mental being, I urge you to give also your time and your life for your spiritual liberation and redemption in Christ Jesus.
With that said, in the past few years—and even more so, in the past few weeks—organizations and entities have been under pressure to remove symbols of the Confederacy and its icons. These symbols include statues, monuments, city seals, names of streets, names of parks, names of schools, and official state holidays. While over a hundred symbols have been removed since 2015, as of February 19, 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center identified
1,747 Confederate monuments, place names and other symbols still in public spaces, both in the South and across the nation. These include:
780 monuments, more than 300 of which are in Georgia, Virginia or North Carolina;
103 public K-12 schools and three colleges named for Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis or other Confederate icons;
80 counties and cities named for Confederates;
9 observed state holidays in five states; and
10 U.S. military bases.
And now this summer of 2020, in the heat of protests sparked by the killing of George Floyd, scores of organizations have begun the removal of these symbols stating that they are symbols of exclusivity and/or symbols of hate. Nevertheless, as with most matters in America, there are two sides to every story. And as more and more monuments are being taken down, more and more Americans are becoming vocal about keeping them up. These Americans claim that these symbols are not symbols of hate but of history and of heritage.
I did not write this article to debate which of these sides is correct. No, I wrote this article to assess what is truth and what is not truth regarding the five most prevalent claims made by those who want to see Confederate symbols remain as they are. And then with that truth, all who read this article must decide how they will respond—personally, relationally, and politically—so that we as a nation might obtain unity.
Claim 1: “Confederate symbols do not demean African Americans.”
The first claim of those who desire to see Confederate symbols remain where they are is arguably the most common claim of the five. It is the claim that these Confederate symbols were not put up to demean African Americans but were erected in reverence and in memory of Confederate soldiers and leaders. This claim is a partial truth. However, it is not the whole truth.
Figure 1: Line graph showing the number of Confederate symbol dedications from 1840 to 2040. Data used to make graph was taken from Southern Poverty Law Center.
Figure 1 shows a graph created using data from a survey conducted by the Southern Poverty Law Center. The points on the graph indicate the number of dedications per year of Confederate statues, monuments, street names, etc. Note that there are 846 dedications with unknown dates. Those dedications are not displayed on the graph. Also, I have added colored bars just above the dates to serve as a visual aid for the timeframes I will reference.
Below I have listed my interpretation of the data trends in the graphs and have also bulleted beneath those trends just a few of the influential events occurring during that respective timeframe.
1854-1899 timeframe (data shown above red bar): The number of dedications fluctuate but are consistently low, averaging about 4 dedications per year.
The KKK is formed.
Jim Crow Laws are created.
Grandfather clause put in place to suppress black and poor white votes.
Plessy vs. Ferguson upholds “separate but equal” facilities.
The Civil War begins and ends.
1900-1911 timeframe (data shown above green bar): Dedications double then triple in number per year, rising as high as 47. Dedications peak at 52 (1911).
Booker T. Washington's autobiography Up from Slavery is published.
President Theodore Roosevelt invites Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House. Benjamin Tillman—senator from South Carolina—responds with “the action of President Roosevelt in entertaining that nigger will necessitate our killing a thousand niggers in the South before they learn their place again."
W. E. B. Du Bois publishes his article “The Talented Tenth” and his study “The Souls of Black Folks.”
Sigma Pi Phi, the first African-American Greek-letter organization, Alpha Phi Alpha, the first intercollegiate fraternity for African American men, and Alpha Kappa Alpha, the first college sorority for African American women are founded.
The Niagara Movement, an interracial group for civil rights, holds its first meeting.
NAACP is founded and begins publishing The Crisis magazine.
1912-1913 timeframe (data shown above purple bar): Dedications decline drastically.
Woodrow Wilson, a vocal supporter and defender of the Ku Klux Klan, beats Theodore Roosevelt in the US presidential election.
1914-1917 timeframe (data shown above orange bar): Dedications plateau at an average of 15.
President Wilson orders the re-segregation of federal workplaces and places of employment.
The Birth of a Nation (a silent film adapted from the novel The Clansman) is released in theatres and arguably revives the KKK.
The Great Migration begins and for the next 30+ years, half a million African Americans move from the US South to the North and Midwest.
1918-1939 timeframe (data shown above blue bar): Dedications fluctuate but have an overall decrease. Average dedications is still high at about 10 per year.
The Harlem Renaissance (an intellectual, social, and artistic explosion in African American culture) begins.
The Great Depression takes place.
1940-1955 timeframe (data shown above gray bar): Dedications decrease significantly, some years having only 1 dedication.
The Second Great Migration begins and for the next 30+ years, 5 million Africans Americans move from the US South to the North, Midwest, and West.
1955-1962 timeframe (data shown above brown bar): Dedications increase to 6 and maintain an average of about 8 per year.
The Civil Rights Movement begins. Blacks and whites together begin protesting the injustices related to the treatment of African Americans in the United States.
1963-1964 timeframe (data shown above yellow bar): Dedications decrease to 4 per year.
Alabama governor George Wallace calls for "segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever" in his inaugural address.
Double bombing occurs in Birmingham, AL and is more than likely conducted by the KKK in cooperation with local police.
President John F. Kennedy is assassinated.
Three civil rights activists are abducted and murdered while working in Alabama’s Freedom Summer (a campaign to get as many Alabaman African Americans registered to vote). FBI investigation reveals that the local White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the Neshoba County Sheriff's Office, and the Philadelphia Police Department are all involved.
1965 timeframe (data shown above black bar): Dedications increase quickly to 9.
President Johnson signs the Voting Rights Act of 1965, eliminating literacy tests, poll tax, and other subjective voter tests that were widely responsible for the disfranchisement of African Americans in the Southern States.
President Johnson signs Executive Order 11246 requiring Equal Employment Opportunity by federal contractors.
1966-2017 timeframe (data shown above light green bar): Dedications decrease and maintain an average of 3 dedications a year.
As I interpret this data and note significant moments that took place in their respective timeframes, I cannot help but see a troubling trend. The data suggests that while not all Confederate symbols were put up to oppress African Americans, there is a strong correlation between increased political and social black advancement (e.g. movements, organizations, and legislature done to promote African Americans) and increased dedications of Confederate symbols. In the same way, there is a strong correlation between decreased political and social black advancement (e.g. killings, assassinations, and legislature done to oppress African Americans) and decreased number of dedications of Confederate symbols.
Understanding the sentiments of whites in the South—reflected in Senator Tillman’s response to President Roosevelt inviting Booker T. Washington to the White House—it can be inferred that a large number of the erected Confederate symbols were a means of making public presentations against black advancement and ensuring black people “learned their place again.” And thus were not solely a means of celebrating Southern heritage and history.
Claim 2: “Freedom of Speech”
The second claim that I have heard spoken by those who desire to see Confederate symbols remain where they stand is the claim that the symbols are protected under the United States’ First Amendment to the Constitution. I’ve heard some people counter this claim by stating that the Confederate symbols are offensive and create a discomfort for people of color. They say that because of these experiences, Confederate symbols are unconstitutional and should be removed. However, this counterargument is not true.
The First Amendment reads, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press…”. Many know these lines, but to understand the totality of law, you have to also refer to past court cases and see how judges ruled on matters. In an article titled, “Does the First Amendment protect Hate Speech?”, E.A. Gjelton writes,
In 1942, the Supreme Court said that the First Amendment doesn’t protect “fighting words,” or statements that “by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace” (Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568 (1942)). In later decisions, the Court narrowed this exception by honing in on the second part of the definition: direct, personal insults that are so offensive they’re likely to provoke their specific target to respond immediately with violence. The Court has also said that laws can’t prohibit only some types of fighting words, like those based on racial bias (R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377 (1992)).
Gjelton goes on to write,
The First Amendment doesn’t give people the right to make direct, personal threats of immediate violence. This can include intimidating symbolic actions like burning a cross that are meant to make specific victims fear for their lives, even if the cross-burners don’t actually plan to carry through with the threat (Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003).),
and concludes by saying, “As the law stands now, government (including public colleges and universities) generally can’t bar hate speech unless it’s direct, personal, and either truly threatening or violently provocative.”
In his article, E.A. Gjelton explains that trials in the past have ruled that hate speech—when it directly threatens violence upon a person or people—is not upheld by the Constitution. On the other hand, hate speech that insults a person or people’s emotions does not violate the Constitution. So, to some degree those who make this second claim of “freedom of speech” are correct, and their First Amendment rights should be upheld.
Those who wish to vocalize and perpetuate hate speech via Confederate symbols (which historical data suggests were erected to demean African Americans) should be allowed to do so. Whether they be individuals, organizations, or government officials, they have the right to support and to defend these symbols on their property and on their being. On the other hand, in the event that an individual, organization, or government official decides that they do not desire to leave up symbols of hate speech, then they should also be afforded the right to remove them. This would also be a demonstration of free speech, assuming there is no law in place prohibiting the symbols’ removals.
Claim 3: “If the Confederacy represents racism in America, so do these…”
Image taken from Facebook
Figure 2 shows a graphic that has been circulating on social media for the past few weeks. The graphic asserts that if the Confederate flag represents racism in America, so do these (read from left to right starting at the top):
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
Partido Nacional de La Raza Unida (translated as The National United People's Party)
American Association for Affirmative Action (now named The American Association for Access, Equity, and Diversity)
Hispanic Scholarship Fund
Black History Month
Black Entertainment Television (BET)
The Democratic Party
The Black Panther Party
United Negro College Fund
Hispanic Heritage Month
This comparison is invalid, and while I could discuss the histories of each of these organizations and funds, I will instead discuss the four categories that I see being compared to Confederate symbols—specifically the Confederate flag—and will highlight how the Confederate symbols do not exist in these same categories.
The NAACP, Partido Nacional de La Raza Unida, the American Association for Affirmative Action, and Black Panther Party were all founded in response or in combat to injustice, inequality, and or discrimination. Whether due to underrepresentation in television broadcasting (BET) or due to inequality in the local Democratic campaign (Partido Nacional de La Raza Unida), none of these entities have racist agendas. They could, however, be considered responses to racism. Because of the outrageous police brutality that occurred in 1966 Oakland, California, the Black Panthers felt the need to station armed patrols in their communities to monitor the city’s police officers. Because of the heart-breaking systemic oppression of African Americans, white and black individuals felt the need to establish the NAACP to combat racism. The Confederate flag and other symbols, however, were not created in response to racism.
Hispanic Scholarship Fund and United Negro College Fund are both scholarship programs aimed at helping people of color achieve academic and career success through various programs and financial assistance. Considering the socioeconomic disparity of both blacks and Hispanics compared to whites again as a result of oppression, profiling, and racism, these two programs are not racist. They are responses to racism, and Confederate symbols are not the same.
Black History Month and Hispanic Heritage Month are periods of celebrating the heritage of exclusive people groups. Using the same argument of Claim 2, these two celebrations of history are protected by the First Amendment. However, it is important to note that celebrating the history of a people, when that history is not connected to the oppression of another people group, is not racism. On the other hand, although Confederate symbols can be used during celebrations, they are connected to the oppression of a people as shown in Claim 1 and thus are not the same as Black History Month and Hispanic Heritage Month.
In its earliest form, the Democratic Party and its supporters could easily be labeled as racist. One of its main stances was in fact the support of slavery. Although there were Democratic presidents whose policies helped African Americans, there were also presidents like Woodrow Wilson and Harry S. Truman who openly admitted to having racial prejudice towards black people (and Asians) and as seeing white people as a superior people group. However, party systems have “shifted” several times throughout US history as a result of changes in key factions, party leaders, geographical voter bases, and party platforms. The US South which used to associate more strongly with the Democratic platform is now more closely associated with the Republican platform. That is because around the time of John F. Kennedy’s presidency and the Civil Rights Movement, the Democratic Party shifted. While it can be argued that the Democratic Party’s agenda does not benefit African Americans as much as we believe, it cannot be argued that the Democratic Party still harbors racism as it did in its beginnings. In the same way, it would be wrong to assume the social and mental stagnation of Confederate-flag-bearing Americans. However, the Democratic Party has openly denounced racism and prejudice, and I have not seen or read any organizations that stand by the Confederate flag do the same. Therefore, these two entities cannot be of the same category.
In summary, while the above programs and organizations might focus on people of color in title or in mission, they cannot and should not be compared to the Confederate flag or Confederate symbols when concerning racism.
Claim 4: “We should focus on current racism, not past.”
The fourth claim made by those who desire Confederate symbols remain is this: we as a nation should focus on current racism and not past racism. Sophia A. Nelson—an award-winning author of three non-fiction books, known for her work in corporate diversity strategies and for her writings with several news outlets—writes something similar in an 2017 NBCNews article titled “Don’t Take Down Confederate Monuments. Here’s Why.” She writes, “I don’t fear 150-year-old statues of old dead white men. What I fear is the hatred we see in real time in 2017 on social media, on our college campuses, in our workplaces and in our political rhetoric.”
Now, I cannot rightfully judge her experience of fear as wrong or right, but I can critique her implications. And what she has implied is that the racism of 150 years ago has little to no effect on her being. Quite frankly, I find this idea ridiculous.
Racism is not unique to the United States, but racism in the United States is unique from other countries’ racism due to the fact that for centuries, white culture did not just believe black people were an inferior group of people. No, they manipulated and misinterpreted Biblical scripture, they fabricated scientific evidence, and they indoctrinated the entire nation—black people, white people, everyone—to believe a false narrative. Race “experts” provided falsified facts and then leaders and governances created a society and culture that supported those facts. For example, the following passage is an excerpt from Thomas Jefferson’s personal notes on slavery:
They seem to require less sleep [than whites]. A black, after hard labor through the day, will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or later, though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning.
Thomas Jefferson used this observation to say that black people were different than white people. However, this observation means nothing more than the fact that black slaves were humans, and unlike animals, even after a hard day of labor, they desired to spend time with their families, to celebrate each other, and to find reasons to be joyful even when their entire lives had been stolen. It was statements like these that were read by other whites for hundreds of years and that were passed down through generations. It was statements like these that laid the foundation of the bias that black people are different from white people, and standing on that foundation, later generations could then confidently claim that black people were inferior to white people.
A weed will continue to grow if it is not pulled up from the roots. In the same way, trying to pull up American racism of today without addressing American racism of the past would be ineffective at creating long-lasting change.
Claim 5: “Don’t erase history; learn from it.”
There is a common sentiment in many social circles that is quite connected to my stance on the fourth claim and that is “We as a nation should never eradicate history; we should learn from it.” This sentiment is usually held by people who acknowledge that the Confederacy and Confederate symbols have racist roots but also believe that history should be preserved for the betterment of society. These types of people are prone to loosely quote philosopher George Santayana who wrote, “Those who cannot remember the past, are condemned to repeat it” in The Life of Reason.
In her article, “Don’t Take Down Confederate Monuments. Here’s Why”, Sophia A. Nelson does this very thing. She writes,
Keep the statues where they are so that people can explain history to their kids. Keep them so that we can have a constructive dialogue at places like Montpelier (the home of President James Madison, who is considered the father of the Constitution)… We do not learn when we run from our wrongs. We learn when we face them.
Most of what she has said sounds great. Explain history to kids. Constructive dialogue. Face our wrongs. I believe these three concepts are the embodiment of activism—especially Civil Rights activism. However, I do not agree that these can only be accomplished by leaving the Confederate symbols in public spaces. Moreover, because of their tendency to glorify the Confederacy, I do not believe that these symbols—as they are—exemplify the “history” that Americans should aspire to learn.
For example, the Augusta, Georgia Confederate Monument is inscribed with the words,
Worthy to have lived and known our Gratitude:
Worthy to be hallowed and held in tender Remembrance:
Worthy the fadless Fame which Confederate soldiers won.
Who gave themselves in life and Death for us:
For the Honor of Georgia.
For the Rights of the States.
For the Liberties of the South.
For the Principles of the Union.
As these were handed down to them by the Fathers of our Common Country.
In Memoriam
“No nation rose so white and fair: None fell so pure of crime.”
Our Confederate Dead
Erected A.D. 1878 by The Ladies Memorial Association of Augusta.
In honor of the men of Richmond County. Who died in the cause of the Confederate States.
For the Rights of the States? For the Liberties of the South? So white and fair? Surely you see the problem here. With this monument, the Ladies Memorial Association has—like many other Confederate-honoring groups—glorified the Confederacy as a flawless entity with a holy agenda. But what about the rights of African Americans? What about the liberties of African Americans? What about non-white people who lived in the South?
It is this one-sided recounting of history that recurs time and time again on Confederate symbols. Additionally, it is this one-sided recounting of history that makes Confederate symbols—as they are—unsuitable as exhibits for education. However, true education could take place if the inscriptions/plaques were rewritten to tell the full history of the Confederacy and/or if additional symbols were erected beside Confederate symbols showing the full history of America.
A Transaction for Reformation
For the first time in this nation, I believe that a majority of the people in this country—in some way or capacity—are incredibly uncomfortable. There have been times in the history of this land in which Japanese men and women were uncomfortable. There have been times in which Hispanic men and women were uncomfortable. And there have even been times in which Europeans were uncomfortable. But in this summer of 2020, there is a palpable discomfort that runs through the homes and families of all who live in this country and even some outside of the country.
This discomfort is what many people refer to as a lack of peace. When individuals and government officials call for a “return to peace,” they are really calling for a return to comfort, and while my desire is for every man and woman in this magnificent country to experience peace and calm and comfort, I recognize that these luxuries have not yet been afforded to every man and woman in this magnificent country. And specifically, not to men and women of color.
I say “afforded,” because peace is in fact something that must be purchased. In any situation, one must give something up in order to gain something. Americans understand this on a basic level. This give-gain dynamic is why we work. It’s why we budget. Some even understand this dynamic on a spiritual level, because God demonstrated it as described in John 3:16-17,
“For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son, that whoever believes in him should not perish but have everlasting life.
For God did not send His Son into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through Him might be saved.”
God is the ultimate source of love, peace, and even justice. So, it is by no coincidence that when he wanted to gain more of the hearts of his people, he wrapped himself in flesh and gave himself—his Son—to the world. There was division between himself and his people. God desired unity. So, he gave.
In the same way, there is a division between the black experience in America and the white experience in America. If God brings unity to division through giving, then so should we, and the reality is that when it comes to the national response to these Confederate symbols, our focus has not been on unity nor giving. We have been focused on taking and removing versus keeping and protecting. If this continues, this nation will remain divided.
After discussing the truths and falsehoods of these five primary claims, we can see that Confederate symbols—as they are—do not unify us as a nation. But what we need is unity. So, to those who can agree with this assertion, I say that these dark times require a transaction. Some people are giving their time. Some are giving their money. Some are giving their gifts and talents. Some are giving their voices. And some—even with their great love for their Southern heritage—are giving their Confederate symbols. Now I ask you, “What are you willing to give so that everyone who calls this great nation home might gain peace and justice? What are you willing to give so that this nation can truly be united?” If your answer does not make you at least a little uncomfortable, then your contribution—while greatly appreciated—might not be enough.
Finally, I will end this article by stating that there are people who are looking for love, peace, and justice to be made manifest in their lives as a result of the current love, peace, and justice movements taking place across the globe. However, when this nation becomes better—and I do believe that change is on the horizon—those same people will discover a void within themselves that still exists. That is because that void is much bigger than social and criminal justice reformation. They will discover that the happiness that they thought existed on the other side of true American justice and peace will not be happiness gained in its totality. It is for those people that I write, do not neglect your spirit. Just as we are fighting and protesting—giving our time and lives—for the liberation of our physical and mental being, I urge you to give also your time and your life for your spiritual liberation and redemption in Christ Jesus.
Much love and thanks for reading,
Justis Ward
Learn More @
https://www.splcenter.org/20190201/whose-heritage-public-symbols-confederacy : to read more about the works of the Sothern Poverty Law Center and to see the many other projects they’ve undertaken
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_African-American_history : we’ve all heard that “Wikipedia isn’t a scholarly resource,” but it is an awesome starting place for research; take a look at this timeline of influential events through African American history
https://www.lawyers.com/legal-info/criminal/does-the-first-amendment-protect-hate-speech.html : to read the rest of E.A. Gjelton’s article on the First Amendment and how it relates to Hate Speech
https://bigthink.com/the-proverbial-skeptic/those-who-do-not-learn-history-doomed-to-repeat-it-really : to read an article that challenges the notion of “history repeating itself”
http://historytools.davidjvoelker.com/sources/Jefferson-Race.pdf : to read more of Thomas Jefferson’s notes on slavery
https://www.nbcnews.com/think/news/opinion-why-i-feel-confederate-monuments-should-stay-ncna767221 : to read Sophia A. Nelson’s op-ed on why Confederate monuments should stay up
